Category Archives: Anarchism

Adolf Wolff: To Esther

TO ESTHER
My little daughter, my masterpiece,
Child in body, mind and spirit, beautiful,
Child so much a child.
When you have blossomed into womanhood,
May you be a Judith decapitating a Holofernes,
A Joan of Arc leading a people to victory,
A Louise Michel fighting on the barricades,
A Voltairine de Cleyre singing the songs of revolt,
An Emma Goldman preaching the gospel of rebellion.
I dedicate you,
Fruit of my blood, child of my soul,
I dedicate you to the cause of emancipation,
I dedicate you to the cause of truth and justice,
I dedicate you to the Social Revolution.
May your life and your death be the scourge of tyrants
And the inspiration of those who fight for human
freedom.

This poem was taken from Adolf Wolff’s collection, Songs of Rebellion, Songs of Life, Songs of Love (1914). A self-described “poet, sculptor and revolutionist, but mostly revolutionist,” Adolf Wolff came to the United States as a child from Belgium. History, however, hasn’t been especially kind to either his art or his politics and he’s been reduced to near-total obscurity today.

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Coal  Miner on Strike, 1931; The Lynch Law, 1931; Negro, n.d. Hermitage Museum

There’s very little one can find about Wolff in the scholarly record at all. In fact, I only encountered his poem a few months ago while reading Paul Avrich’s biography of Voltairine de Cleyre. As Avrich and Francis Naumann write in a piece specifically about Wolff:

[T]he artistic accomplishments of Adolf Wolff have been almost totally forgotten. His name has fallen into obscurity, and goes unrecorded in even the most thorough histories and lexicons of American sculpture.

In any case, Wolff seems to have been very active in the radical politics that thrived in New York at the turn of the century. Nearly all the figures in that world were recent immigrants from Europe (Wolff included) disillusioned with the dire conditions of urban industrial capitalism and animated by left-wing politics in the heady days just before the Russian Revolution. To be an anarchist, Wolff said, was:

to be a human being without prejudice, without superstition, without fear, even in the face of death, and to love truth and justice, and to speak it out irrespective of consequences, to have law and order within, not without, to require no government except that of one’s conscience, and to be so strongly individual as to embrace with one’s own mind the well-being of the entire human collectivity.

This element of Wolff’s life is usually purged from any dicussion of his artwork—itself a rare occurence. When one of his sculptures appeared on the Antique Roadshow back in 2010, for example, an appraiser euphemistically described Wolff’s politics:

[H]e was also very involved in politics. A lot of artists were. … [H]e was, you know, embroiled with some very interesting characters and very interesting times.

Very interesting characters and times indeed! Though he knew them personally, Wolff would have been just young enough to regard the anarchist iconoclasts Emma Goldman and Voltairine de Cleyre probably more with reverence and awe than any kinship grounded in equality. After all, “Red Emma” was one of the most notorious radicals in the country for at least the two decades prior to her expulsion in the Red Scare of 1919. She was a larger-than-life figure and de Cleyre had already died at a relatively young age (in 1912) by the time Wolff’s poem was published.

Wolff taught art to children at the Modern School—an institution established by followers of the radical educator Francisco Ferrer (who was himself executed by the Spanish state in 1909)—and was arrested several times for his participation in left-wing demonstrations. His own daughter (for whom the poem was written) reportedly appealed to him at one such demonstration: “Please, papa, mamma wants you to smile and not be so angry.”

Wolff’s poem nicely captures his admiration of radical women. It attempts to draw a clear political lineage from the deuterocanonical Book of Judith—whose eponymous heroine assassinates a tyrannical general—and Joan of Arc to modern political radicals like Louise Michel—a prominent figure in the Paris Commune—as well as the two aforementioned American anarchists.

It’s obviously not a great poem, but I think it has a certain charm. It distills the hopes and dreams that attend the arrival of any newborn child and fuses them with high-minded political goals. Considering Wolff’s later tranformation, during WWI, from radical to “upright American citizen,” it also bears an ironic nostalgia for idealism abandoned. 

Sources:

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The Morning Telegraph, January 31, 1915

The Narcissism of Small Differences

It’s been about seven months since Chris Hedges dropped his bombshell attack on Black Bloc tactics as the “cancer in Occupy” and his words still echo in activist circles across the country. Charging protestors who “dress in black” or “obscure their faces” with hypermasculine—even criminal—behavior, Hedges drove a wedge between radicals within Occupy apparently committed to very different visions of resistance. Debates within the movement have obsessively focused on the virtues or otherwise of violence at the hands of protestors and the state security apparatus. The small, but persistent anarchist core that helped launch the protests in 2011, predictably scandalized by Hedges’ unhinged accusations, flatly refused to engage with him publicly. Hedges similarly expressed no interest in opening up a dialog with people he viewed as little more than thugs and hooligans. Fortunately for us, this mutual skepticism was overcome last Wednesday in a highly anticipated, but ultimately anti-climactic, debate between Hedges and the ideologically anarchist CrimethInc. Ex-Workers Collective.

I entered into the debate expecting to sympathize with CrimethInc. and left frustrated by the shallowness of the discussion. (In the spirit of full disclosure, I wrote an op-ed critical of Hedges in this newspaper following his inflammatory article earlier this year.) I had sincerely hoped to hear a compelling case for the ubiquitous “diversity of tactics” hailed by so many on the libertarian Left. Unfortunately, Brian Traven, the CrimethInc. representative charged with debating Chris Hedges, struck me as woefully unprepared for the task. This was unfortunate, not only because the audience was denied a truly incisive look at the important issues, but also because Proshansky auditorium was literally overflowing with black-clad, body-modified anarcho-punks expecting to see Hedges put in his place. In my view at least, this did not happen. To put it simply, Traven lost at what should have been a homecoming game. Continue reading The Narcissism of Small Differences

On Resistance

Anyone who takes political resistance seriously must eventually confront the timeless question of tactics: which forms of resistance are appropriate to the struggle at hand; and which—if any—are not? A second set of questions necessarily accompanies the first, namely, by what set of criteria are tactics deemed appropriate or inappropriate to begin with and (most importantly) who can legitimately make such a determination? All social movements respond in some way to these questions, but the dilemma is especially complicated for movements seeking to mobilize a broad base of support.

Now that the first “phase” of Occupy has given way to a more dispersed movement, the debate over tactics has intensified. It’s important to remember that the proliferation of ideas and perspectives at work in every movement invariably creates tension. This is part of what makes Occupy, like all democratic movements, so exhilarating. Unfortunately, tension is often misunderstood as disorganization. To those activists for whom uniformity is synonymous with coherence, conformity is paramount. Tactics undertaken on behalf of the movement must be strictly regulated so as not to disrupt a narrow vision of Occupy’s character and aims. One such vision was recently articulated by Chris Hedges in his recent polemic, “Black Bloc: The Cancer in Occupy.” Continue reading On Resistance